Pressure Builds on National Assembly for Women’s Legislative Representation

A contentious constitutional amendment that reserves legislative seats for women is about to be decided by Nigeria’s National Assembly, and it has become a litmus test for political courage. Beyond gender fairness, proponents claim that if the measure is not passed, Nigeria could lose out on an estimated $269 billion in economic benefits and its democratic deficit would worsen.

Nigeria is poised for yet another momentous occasion in the quiet hallways of the National Assembly, where agreements are discussed in whispers and history is frequently determined by postponement. Nigeria’s democratic maturity, economic foresight, and political sincerity are at stake in the Reserved Seats for Women Bill, which is currently in its crucial third reading stage.

For many years, discussions about women’s political participation were written off as sentimental or culturally awkward. But this time, the argument includes figures, dates, and a clear sense of urgency.

Nigeria may increase its GDP by over $269 billion over the next ten years by increasing women’s participation in formal education, government, and the economy, according to research cited by the bill’s proponents.

Whether Nigeria can afford to keep women out is the new dilemma facing politicians, rather than whether they should be included.

Chief Osasu Igbinedion-Ogwuche, CEO of TOS Group and chairman of the coalition supporting the bill, has once again taken the lead in the campaign.

Speaking to reporters in Abuja last week, she put it succinctly: “This bill cannot be operationalized for the 2027 general elections if it does not scale through in February 2026.” And if that occurs, half of Nigeria’s population will be essentially sidelined for an additional four years.

Nigeria’s statistics are startling and becoming more and more unacceptable. Despite making up almost half of the population, women only hold 4% of the seats in the National Assembly, which includes 14 out of 360 members in the House of Representatives and 4 out of 109 senators.

The situation is worse at the subnational level, where there are 51 women out of 993 lawmakers in 36 State Houses of Assembly, and 16 states have no female representation. Ironically, activists frequently point out that a man chairs the state’s women’s issues committee.

Nigeria is the country with the lowest representation of women in parliament in Africa when compared to continental standards. Rwanda’s quota-based system has increased female representation above 60%, although the continental average is between 23 and 27%.

The inconsistency is obvious for a nation that calls itself the “Giant of Africa.”

The purposeful rebranding of the bill as an economic and governance reform rather than a social compromise is what has changed the debate’s tone. Based on research from the United Nations, World Bank, and McKinsey, Igbinedion-Ogwuche contends that positive development outcomes are closely related to inclusive governance.

The Mastercard Foundation and McKinsey further anticipate that increasing the number of young women in Africa’s formal workforce may boost the continent’s GDP by $287 billion by 2030, she said.

“This is about human capital, productivity, and national competitiveness,” she stated. A definite socioeconomic advantage exists. While systematically excluding women from decision-making, we cannot continue to discuss progress.

Advocacy Lead at TOS Group Andikah Umoh, who provided legal and policy framing, characterized the bill as a democratic correction rather than an empowerment initiative.

She stated that “stronger social policy outcomes, higher investments in health, education, and social protection are linked to women’s representation.” It also connects with more cooperative policymaking and less corruption. A legislature is not legitimate if half of the people are not represented.

The Reserved Seats for Women Bill calls for the introduction of 108 seats in State Houses of Assembly and 74 additional seats in the National Assembly, which would be filled by competitive elections between female candidates nominated by political parties. The bill’s supporters emphasize that no one is guaranteed office.

There is no tokenism here. It’s not a scheduled meeting. It is not a handout, Igbinedion-Ogwuche said over and over.

“These are voluntary roles. Candidates from the APC, PDP, and other parties would be brought in, and women will compete with one another, she said.

Political violence, exorbitant nomination fees, unofficial gatekeeping by male power brokers, cultural expectations, and the weaponization of religion are some of the long-standing obstacles that have made Nigerian politics one of the most inhospitable environments for women. These obstacles are intended to be overcome by the bill.

Advocates contend that many wealthy, educated, and politically ambitious women have been routinely excluded long before the election.

This is not the first effort at inclusion legislation in Nigeria. Due to accusations that it went against cultural and religious values, the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill failed in the 8th Assembly.

Legislative leadership at the time supported a new attempt in the 9th Assembly, but it also failed. Those losses served as lessons learned.

Proponents of the current law started an unusual consultation process because they were determined not to repeat the past mistakes.

In order to interact with communities directly, the coalition set up coordinators at the ward, state, municipal, and geopolitical levels within the past 12 months. Lawmakers from all six geopolitical zones participated in closed-door caucus meetings where the opposition was faced head-on rather than sidelined.

Some legislators were direct. Igbinedion-Ogwuche recalls, “Some openly declared that they did not think any women should be in parliament at all.” Thus, we inquired about the necessary conditions for them to reconsider.

Igbinedion-Ogwuche claims that religion—long mentioned as a barrier—became a focal focus.

“TOS Foundation Africa collaborated with the Sultan of Sokoto, Nigeria’s highest Islamic authority, to organize a symposium that brought together lawmakers, clerics, and political stakeholders on the International Day of the Girl Child in October last year,” she stated.

She clarified that the bill’s approval by the Sultan proved crucial. He maintained that women have always occupied positions of leadership in Islamic societies and that it was a perversion of faith to use religion as an excuse for exclusion.

She noted that clips of his comments were then broadcast on various radio and television networks, specifically focusing on areas where religious concerns had been most pronounced.

She said that soon after, there were high-level political endorsements.

“In December 2025, the President publicly announced his support,” Igbinedion-Ogwuche stated. At the Presidential Villa, the Senate President, the Speaker of the House, the Deputy Speaker, the Vice President, and the President’s Chief of Staff were all present at a strategic discussion called by the First Lady.

The bill’s sponsor was the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, and more than 50 senators promised their support.

In addition, the group obtained a formal collaboration with the Governors’ Spouses Forum and governor support pledges prior to the state-level ratification procedure.

Beneath the momentum, however, is disquiet. Advocates are well aware that there have been numerous legislation in Nigeria’s legislative history that were endorsed by elites but died silently during vote.

Because electronic voting protects individual decisions from instant public scrutiny, promises by themselves are insufficient.

The coalition established the 469 Tracker, a monitoring tool that documents and disseminates each member of the National Assembly’s declared viewpoints, in response to this. Making reversing course politically costly is the straightforward goal.

The last pressure point, she said, has been identified as the media. Kingsley Sintim, Managing Director of TOS Group, pleaded for ongoing coverage during a high-level conference with editors and bureau chiefs.

“Mindsets don’t change overnight,” he remarked. It requires repetition. Visibility is required. It requires human-centered narrative. The media influences the priorities and fears of legislators.

Social media amplification, television discussions, and radio outreach have all increased, especially in areas where resistance is still strong.

By encouraging constituents to give their lawmakers a call, the idea that support for the bill is a reflection of popular opinion rather than elite lobbying is being reinforced.

Then again, time is cruel.

In order for two-thirds of State Houses of Assembly to ratify constitutional revisions prior to the 2027 election cycle, the National Assembly must approve them early enough. Delays past February run the possibility of delaying implementation until 2031, so negating years of campaigning.

“Rejection and delay can be as deadly. There are significant ramifications for the 10th National Assembly. The passage would establish Nigeria as a late but serious reformer and represent a historic break from decades of marginalization.

Failure to do so would solidify its standing as a Congress incapable of or unwilling to address systemic inequity, even when the financial consequences are obvious.

Without them present, we are unable to enact laws on their behalf. This concerns dignity, democracy, and progress. Legislators face a straightforward decision: should we advance Nigeria or should we commit the same mistakes over and over again for future generations?

Nigeria is waiting for evidence that its politics can at last match its promise, not just for a bill to pass, as the election draws near.

Since the federal parliamentarians started plenary on January 27, numerous women’s advocacy groups have descended upon the National Assembly building, either to mobilize the parliament leadership to support the bill or to protest the alleged delay in passing the crucial legislation.

Advocacy groups are already very concerned about whether the legislators’ engagement with the various ministries, departments, and agencies of the federal government, which will start this week on the 2026 national budget, which is scheduled for passage in the second week of March, will give them enough time for the bill.

This is because the Senate is anticipated to follow suit after voting on the controversial parts of the 2022 Electoral Act modifications bill this week. The House of Representatives had previously suspended plenary to allow the green chamber to attend to the money measure.